Showing posts with label The Oak Ridger. Show all posts
Showing posts with label The Oak Ridger. Show all posts

02 December 2013

Blog Censored Again: Now It's Suppressed by EarthLink

Another of my recent photographs of the dark and dreadful loveliness of Pacific Northwest autumnal light and color. Pentax MX, 35mm-70mm Sigma f/4 zoom at 70mm, Fujicolor 800, f/5.6 at 1/250th. Photograph by Loren Bliss copyright 2013. (Click on image to view it full size.)  

*

OBVIOUSLY IN RETALIATION for last week's column describing how the murder of President John Fitzgerald Kennedy and the eviction of a formerly middle-class woman in Tacoma are each examples of capitalism in action, the email server EarthLink has arbitrarily locked me out if its system.

Because the lockout is by Internet Protocol (IP) number rather than by the name or Uniform Resource Locator (URL) of my blog, this is a permanent embargo that cannot be lifted by any remedy short of a lawsuit, which of course I cannot afford. This means I can no longer correspond with anyone – three longtime friends included – who uses EarthLink email. It also means there's no way I can notify my EarthLink-dependent readers when I post new material.

OAN has been harassed by censors since its beginning. It was forced off Facebook in 2010. It has long been censored to the extent I cannot transmit its name or URL over my own Internet service provider. Originally this was Comcast; since 2011 it's been Century Link. (These are the only broadband ISPs available in my area.) 

Significantly, during one of my many, ultimately unsuccessful attempts to fight the censorship, a CL technical representative admitted he could do nothing to lift the embargo on my blog's name and URL because the order for it came from “outside and far above” the ISP. 

Though the tech rep refused to elaborate, the obvious inference was the perpetrator is one of the agencies that are part of the Department of Homeland Security, for which the dread SS/Reichssicherheitshauptamt provided the organizational model. 

Such is the “nonexistent” censorship imposed on the allegedly “free” Internet by corporate and governmental authorities in the United States. 

I am, of course, complimented by the fact somebody out there in the USian Empire secret police regards my writing as politically dangerous. 

But that doesn't keep me from desperately hoping my occasional yet always terrifying dreams of being hauled off in the dead of night by Gestapo-like government agents – the sort of nightmare I never experienced before this year – are psychological aberrations rather than expressions of prophecy. 


*****


A New Feature: My Contributions to Dialogues on Other Sites

AS LONGTIME READERS know, I have periodically wrestled with the question of whether and how to post here on OAN my comments on discussion threads elsewhere. Now finally I think I have an adequate (and maybe even perfect) solution. I'll link the title of the story, summarize what it says and my response, and this way have both a complete anthology of my week's writing plus more space for original material on OAN. Here goes: 

Can Right and Left Rally Against Walmart?”  Ralph Nader says it's possible and urges it be done. I note history proves capitalists respond only to force and/or threats of force, point out the problem is not just Wal-Mart but capitalism in general, and cite the 1938 Non-Aggression Pact and how Hitler used it to facilitate his invasion of the Soviet Union as a perfect example of what happens when the Left is seduced into collaborating with the Right. 

The Right's Misconstrued Constitution”  Robert Perry says the looming Supreme Court decision that will in all probability prohibit Affordable Care Act coverage of birth control is based on the Right's misinterpretation of the U.S. Constitution. I reply that Perry is wrong, that the war against women's hard-won reproductive rights is a key part of the One Percent's vast, lavishly funded effort to ensure the perpetual subjugation of the U.S. workforce by reducing the nation to zero-tolerance Christian theocracy. 

What World War Z and Tacoma Have in Common”  Valerie Tarico of the Seattle online daily Crosscut does an entirely too-cute job of reporting the grave threat implicit in the Pierce County Council's move toward Christian theocracy. I denounce the Teabagger-dominated council's flagrant violation of our right to freedom from religion, and I call the council's motivation exactly what it is: “JesuNazism – zero-tolerance theocratic hatefulness in the name of Jesus.” 

Why Health Care Isn't Just About Insurance”  Maya Schenwar describes how her struggles with epilepsy exemplify the glaring inadequacies of the Affordable Care Act, which – because it has cemented into federal law the notion of health as a privilege of wealth rather than a human right – continues to deny care to millions of lower-income USians. I applaud Ms. Schenwar for her rare combination of courage, honesty and eloquence. 


*****


An Apology for a Thoughtlessly Inappropriate Use of a Word 

SOMETIMES I FUCK up Big Time, and last week – by ignoring a matter of semantics and psycholinguistics that had been nagging at the edges of my mind – I did exactly that.

The atrocities capitalism inflicts on us every day are often the framework of what I write in this blog, though I had not planned to write about them last week. Instead I had begun writing a lamentation for President John Fitzgerald Kennedy, whose death was also the murder of our nation's democratic potential and was therefore one of the worst capitalist atrocities ever. Because I had participated in covering the assassination – I was a young reporter/photographer on a small but excellent local daily newspaper – I felt that now 50 years after the fact I should include my personal recollections of that dreadful day and its aftermath. 

But I was troubled by mass media's simple-minded penchant for calling 11 November 2013 an “anniversary,” and when I could not quickly think of a suitable alternative, I set my work aside. I would do some essential shopping – a chore I despise – and perhaps while I was going to and from the store, or even in the store itself, my subconscious would come up with a proper solution to my semantic quandary. 

That's how I came to witness the shocking eviction of an elderly woman from an apartment building near a corner where I had gone to catch a city bus. I live in a generally attractive and well-maintained urban neighborhood, and the eviction was the first I had witnessed since I moved here in 2004. For various reasons – some of them deeply personal – I found the woman's ouster profoundly wrenching, too painful to ignore. So I abandoned my originally intended text and wrote of the eviction as a microcosm of what the capitalists are doing to all of us. I described it as an example of all the daily acts of oppression that, exactly as James Douglass asserts,  have been enabled by the assassination. 

But in my anger at what was being done to the woman who was evicted and my grief at what is being done to our country and to the Constitution we who were soldiers swore to defend against all enemies foreign and domestic, I made the thoughtless error I had intended to avoid and now profoundly regret. I wrote of “the 50th anniversary of the assassination,” heedless of the fact an “anniversary” is implicitly a celebratory event – which of course it is for the victors, the One Percent, the military/industrial aristocracy to whom the assassins granted the ultimate triumph of capitalist governance, the Ruling Class whose absolute power and unlimited profit mean total subjugation for all the rest of us.

Not only should have I avoided the usage of “anniversary”; I should have denounced it for its deceptiveness, which to my mind borders on the obscene. I should also have come up with an alternative term for our 50th annual date with national sorrow, our day of lamentation, of despair, of shame and mourning. 

Mea culpa, mea culpa, mea maxima culpa.
 
If we dared speak truth to power, the assassination of President John Fitzgerald Kennedy would be known as the Coup of 22 November 1963, or perhaps now all these years later as just The November Coup. But that's too honest. The perpetrators – or perhaps I should say perpe-traitors – would never allow it. 

Nor have their fathers and grandfathers ever allowed full disclosure of the Bankers Plot of 1934,  which would have made the United States the financial, industrial and agricultural mainstay of the Nazi Third Reich and the Berlin-Rome-Tokyo Axis. The Fascists – especially Hitler – stood ready to provide whatever help and guidance the USian One Percent requested. But today such assistance is unnecessary. The United States, which absorbed so many Nazi war criminals after World War II, is becoming the de facto Fourth Reich all on its own. 


*****


The Murder of President Kennedy as Seen from a Local Newsroom 

FIFTY YEARS AGO I was a staff member on The Oak Ridger, the small but nationally renowned afternoon daily that served the scientifically and technologically elite community of Oak Ridge, Tenn. I was there because Publisher Don McKay and Business Manager Tom Hill and Managing Editor Dick Smyser all had the brass balls to hire me after I had been defamed nearly into journalistic oblivion.

In June of 1963 Editor/Publisher Guy L. Smith of The Knoxville Journal had fired me for my refusal to write a slanderous Big Lie – the maliciously false portrayal of “40 Negroes and whites, most of them students at the University of Tennessee,” as participants in an interracial sex orgy – an event that took place only in the obscenely racist minds of the Ku Klux Klan-infiltrated Knoxville city police and Knox County sheriff's departments. 

In retaliation for my rebellion, Smith had me jailed – arrested in The Journal's newsroom – on an equally false charge of disorderly conduct. 

Fortunately the local courts had already been liberated from segregationist control, and I was soon acquitted. So were the other 39 people, many of whom were friends of civil rights activists or civil rights activists themselves – undoubtedly the real reason we were all were arrested. 

In the aftermath I spent the summer working for the Civil Rights Movement in Knoxville. It was a deliberate act of defiance, tantamount to shouting “fuck you” in the face of Smith and all his Klannish henchmen, who meanwhile were doing their venomous best to ensure I would never work for another newspaper nor even finish college. Hence my everlasting gratitude to Messrs. McKay, Hill and Smyser. 

Though The Oak Ridger was a much smaller paper than The Journal – one daily edition Monday through Friday with circulation of about 10,000 as compared to The Journal's five daily editions Monday through Saturday circulating nearly 100,000 – it was in every other sense a major step upward. At The Journal, for which I had worked part time from the fall of 1957 through the fall of 1959 and full time beginning in September 1962, I would never have been more than a sportswriter, while at The Oak Ridger I was not only the sports editor but a government reporter and a photographer as well, complete with an issue Speed Graphic and its 4x5 Polariod back. I had been hired in August, had quickly proven myself to be not just competent but exceptionally so, and was already showing the knack for hard news I had always known was mine but never would have been able to demonstrate via a sports page.

Now, barely four months after I'd been hired, it was 1:30 p.m. Eastern Standard Time Friday 22 November 1963. The paper was abed, our presses had begun to rumble out that day's edition, and I was the only person in the newsroom. I was banging away at my typewriter to finish a long feature story – I no longer remember about what – so I could leave work three hours early to begin what promised to be a delightful weekend. My then-lover attended Virginia Intermont College, a classically Southern women's college 100 miles north at Bristol, Va., and she had schemed her way past the in loco parentis guardians of its dormitories and freed herself of its plantation-house regime of magnolia-blossom chastity until Monday morning. I would meet her at 4:30 p.m. in the Bristol railroad depot, we would drive another 100 miles across the mountains to Asheville, N.C., and there we would alternate between the joyous lechery of blatantly heterosexual youth and the fond companionship of like-minded friends.

Because I had eerie premonitions of the assassination, it is not an aside for me to note here that despite my English surname, my family's genes are about 95 percent Celtic, mainly Scots, dominantly the northeastern Highland Scots who are themselves genetically identified as descendants of the Scythians, the People of the Steppe described by Herodotus in The Histories. Hence most of my paternal relatives and I share various degrees of what depending on your metaphysical orientation is either applauded as genuine psychic ability or rejected and jeered as superstition. 

In my case this means I have occasionally seen ghosts, specifically those of my father and maternal grandmother at their moments of death. More often I sense spectral presences, usually benign, as immediately after the death of my beloved aunt, or sometimes malicious, as in the unpleasantly creepy Baltimore apartment where my first wife and I briefly lived or in the malevolently haunted wilderness – a place local First Nations people will not enter even in daylight – through which the South Fork of Washington state's Nooksack River flows. Once, a 12-year-old boy in a vast Michigan forest, I heard the strange singing of what decades later I learned were most likely the Birds of Rhiannon, and thus I can attest (if indeed those Birds they were), that their song is at least the most exquisite music I have ever known, if not – as the old myths assert – the most exquisite music in the universe. Such are the nominal limits of my alleged gift. Save for small events of no meaning to anyone but self and friends or kinfolk, it has never shown me the future. 

But once in a rare while it seems to enable me to feel the future's echoes, as I apparently did in the pre-9/11 World Trade Center, which always gave me the heebie-jeebies even if I merely passed beneath it on the subway colloquially known as the Hudson Tubes. Likewise – of relevance to all that follows – I felt a terrible sense of please-don't-go-there doom at every announcement or mention of President Kennedy's proposed trip to Dallas.

I had spoken of those fears to my lover, but for her they were too painful to explore. 
Hence I mentioned them only once, and soon – because I was decades away from learning to trust any intuitions that were other than specific to some story I was covering – my dictatorially logical left brain had jeered my right-brain apprehensions into the limbo of forgetfulness.

But now in the newsroom as I heard the teletype bell ringing all the dark portents returned in full measure. By the wire-service protocols of that era, there would have been one ding for a dispatch prioritized as “urgent”; three dings for a “bulletin”; an extended ringing – a signal I had never before heard – for a “flash,” the highest priority dispatch. And that is how it rang now, like an untended alarm clock or an out-of-control telephone.

I sprang up from my desk and dashed across the newsroom into the wire-room. But because I felt the most profound foreboding I would ever know as a newsman, a big part of me did not want to learn why the bell was ringing.

We had only Associated Press wires at The Oak Ridger, which meant the wire-room housed only four teletype machines: the global or A-wire, the state wire, the sports wire and a spare that could be plugged into any of the three circuits. It was the A-wire bell making the noise, but on its roll of copy paper there was at first only a perplexing quarrel between the Dallas Bureau and Atlanta Relay. The latter, “AX” in wire talk, was trying to transmit what was called a “budget” story, a report previously scheduled – “budgeted” – for transmission. But Dallas was trying desperately to break in. The result looked something like this: 

CIVIL RIGHTS BUDGET 

ATLANTA (AP) – DEM

        THS DALLAS


   BUSTING

        BUSTING

BUST THIS

KENNEDY SHO

ATLANTA [AP] – DEMONST

    BUST THIS AX

         BUST NOW

                DALLAS BUSTING

...and then there it was, with the bell shrilling its warning, the teletype's electric motor thrumming its omnipresent base and now in sudden counterpoint the drum solo of the keys  hammering out in staccato black letters on beige paper the death notice of the president and what even then I sensed was also the death of our nation and all the democratic dreams of its founders and all its people forever: 

F  L  A  S  H

PRESIDENT KENNEDY SHOT IN DALLAS.

Fuck, my mind said. Fuck
.
O god let him live.

But there was no time for prayer or any other self-centered reaction. If you really are a journalist, if you truly have what it takes, when something of that magnitude happens, you turn off your emotions and focus your brain and do whatever needs be done to cover the story.

Because I was alone in the newsroom I ran to the managing editor's desk and flipped on the intercom to the press room and punched the buzzer and when Foreman Lee Girth answered I said “the president's been shot, better stop the presses,” the only time in all my journalism years I ever gave that order Hollywood had made so famous. But Girth said he had heard it on the radio and was already stopping, and as he spoke I could hear the press rumble diminish and feel its near-seismic vibrations lessen. Then I phoned the local restaurant where most of our small staff was having their usually relaxed Friday lunch, but the honey-voiced waitress who answered the phone said my colleagues had already heard the news and were racing back to the paper. 

Soon Smyser and City Editor Gene O'Blennis and Society Editor June Adamson and others whose names I no longer remember were there and I had cranked that nearly-finished feature story out of my typewriter and set the copy aside and then we were all making telephone calls or running out to our cars to drive around the town and take notes on what was happening and returning to the office to cobble together fast paragraphs describing what we had seen and heard. We fed our paragraphs in one-page takes to Smyser who was cutting and pasting and writing everything into a single story.

Sometime early in the organized anarchy that is a news staff covering breaking news, I found a moment to phone my lover and tell her I had no idea when I'd get to Bristol. “Yeah,” she said. “I figured you'd be busy.” She said her classes had been suspended and now she and a bunch of other young women were in the dorm watching the news on television. “Nobody cheered,” she said, anticipating my question about her schoolmates, some of whom were no doubt from segregationist families. “Everybody here is crying.” “I'll be ok staying in the dorm,” she added. But I told her I didn't want to cancel our weekend. I said it would be late but I'd get there as soon as I could. “Good,” she said, her voice taught with tears. “Time like this, I'd rather be with you than anyone else.” She was silent for a few seconds. Then she said “I know what, I'll book us a hotel room as Mr. and Mrs. Bliss,” and somehow she managed a quick light chuckle at the irony and the double entendre. “I'll call you with the details so all you need do is check in.” “I love you,” I said. “Me too,” she said. “Take care.” 

And now it was back to work, this time to grab the Speed Graphic and shoot photographs of the little groups of silent mourners who had gathered on the sidewalks to watch the TV sets that had been placed in store windows by merchants to slake the public's thirst for information. 

Meanwhile the A-wire continued to hammer out its reports. Five of these would later prompt my rejection of the Warren Report and its conclusion the murder was the work of a lone gunman. My refusal to accept the report's conclusions would trigger a shouting match with Smyser that nearly got me fired. Here are the five: 

AP repeatedly stated most witnesses described the fatal shots as “a burst of automatic weapons fire.” Many of these witnesses had fought in or covered World War II and Korea. Unlike people who are ignorant of firearms and gunfire, combat veterans typically identify such sounds accurately. 

Many witnesses quoted by AP said at least some of the shots – maybe all of them – were fired from the grassy knoll. 

Shortly after the story broke, AP reported a light plane had violated the Dallas air-traffic-control zone, its pilot taking off from Dallas International Airport without authorization. The aircraft was said to have fled southward at low altitude, apparently into Mexico, as if it were the assassins' escape vehicle. 

AP's first accounts of the rifle found in the Texas Book Depository reported multiple police sources had identified it as a German-made Model 1898 Mauser equipped with a sniper scope. The M98 Mauser, in decided contrast to the junky M1891 Mannlicher-Carcano that was later alleged to be the assassin's weapon, is an extremely well-made firearm that would enable its shooter to fire rapidly and with deadly precision. Nor is there any possibility anyone knowledgeable about firearms – as most cops of that era were – would mistake one for the other: the two rifles radically differ in appearance. 

Maybe 45 minutes into its coverage, AP reported the discovery of two Lee-Enfield rifles in the rear of a station wagon in the parking lot behind the grassy knoll. I remember I nodded to myself as I read this dispatch and then tried unsuccessfully to explain to Smyser how the significance of these particular rifles was demonstrated by the witnesses' descriptions of what they heard: 

The Lee-Enfield, the British Empire service rifle adopted in 1888 and used in modified forms well into the 1990s, is the fastest manually operated military rifle in world. Trained soldiers using it can generate such volumes of fire that German, Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman combat intelligence in World War I, and Axis combat intelligence in World War II, often mis-identified British rifle companies as machine gun companies. Thus two skilled operators with Lee-Enfields could indeed produce a volley of shots that would sound like “a burst of automatic weapons fire.”
 
After that there were no other AP reports – at least none I remember – that later stood out as anomalies.

Before the night was over we had remade the regular Friday edition, published that and an extra as well. (I remember a second extra was discussed; I do not remember if we published it too.) 

Finally – very curiously, I thought – Smyser made a point of confiscating all the AP copy, some of which had been distributed through the newsroom for us to use as points of reference in our local reaction paragraphs. He was particularly careful to ensure I relinquished any material that contained references to firearms. Only then, at about 11 p.m., did he tell us our work day was ended. It had stretched to 15 hours.

Years later I would learn that similar wire-copy confiscations occurred at other U.S. dailies. Coincidence? Editors merely pulling rank to gather and keep historically valuable copy for themselves? Or was it the beginning of an organized effort, clandestinely orchestrated by federal authorities, to cover up the coup? Obviously I will never know. 

Seems to me it was just before midnight I began driving my black Volkswagen Beetle up serpentine U.S. 11E, mostly at the car's top speed of 72 miles-per-hour. I remember I got to the hotel about 2 a.m., and almost literally fell into the warmth of my lover's arms, the two of us too exhausted and heartbroken to do more than comfort one another. We stayed in the hotel that night and all day Saturday we watched the news on the room's big black-and-white television set and that night we made love as if there were no tomorrow and Sunday morning as we were eating deliciously generous Southern room-service breakfasts of fried eggs and bacon and sausages and grits and sliced fresh tomatoes and toast, we saw Jack Ruby kill Lee Harvey Oswald live on national TV. My lover who was clad only in her raven-black hair looked at me with sudden tears in her soft brown eyes and said “my god its like some banana republic” and I answered, “my father says that's what we've always been,” and she who had often told me how much she despised the hypocritical false modesty of Abrahamic religion now grabbed a blanket and wrapped it tightly around herself and said in a choked voice “god help us,” and there was no question she was praying a true prayer. 

I managed to restrain my own tears until the Black Watch skirled their pipes as the military pall bearers carried President John Fitzgerald Kennedy in his casket out of the White House to the horse-drawn artillery caisson that would bear his bullet-torn flesh to Arlington National Cemetery. The pipes keened their banshee's lament and the television camera zoomed back to take in the entire scene and I bawled like a baby. 

Now 50 years after the November Coup I also lament the murders of Malcolm X and Martin Luther King Jr. and Sen. Robert Kennedy; of Fred Hampton and Allison Krause and Jeffrey Miller and William Schroeder and Sandra Scheuer; of Phillip Gibbs and James Green; of Karen Silkwood and maybe Sen. Paul Wellstone too. 

But all those additional, post-22/11/63 deaths were what the military calls “mopping-up operations,” the consolidation of victory that ensures the conquerors remain in power forever and we the conquered remain forever in subjugation. 

And since the USian Ruling Class Media now marks only the “anniversary” of President John Fitzgerald Kennedy's slaying, perhaps this the most powerful of all banana republics that rules the largest and most unforgiving empire in human history will follow the pattern it set by its Veterans Day and declare an official Assassinations Day to commemorate the deaths of all the other victims, complete with “Free Speech Zones” in which we are assured we can publicly grieve without fear of governmental retribution. 

LB/1 December 2013 

-30-

09 September 2013

Censorship, Ralph Nader and a Knoxville Atrocity

Rise Up: yet another of my hitherto unpublished Occupy Tacoma pix, this a view of Pugnetti Park shortly after it was taken over by the movement in early October 2011 and temporarily renamed Occupation Park. One of these days I will assemble all this work into an extended photo essay. From the hopeless perspective of the present, the optimism of those days is as poignant as the naivety my 23-and-24-year-old self displayed in dealing with two of the many forms of unofficial USian press censorship, described below. Photograph by Loren Bliss copyright 2013. Click on picture to view it full size.

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RALPH NADER, FOR whom I have never voted but for whom I have the greatest respect, has written for Reader Supported News a denunciation of President Barack Obama that will undoubtedly be noted by historians as the most bravely outspoken such commentary by any public figure to date. 

Hence I urge all of you not just to read it but to disseminate it as widely as possible and communicate your approval to RSN, even if only with a word or two, as in the traditional “Yes man yes!” by which we long-ago beatniks used to shout our approval of exceptional poetry or music. My own applause is already included in the associated comment thread.

That said, in the interest of full disclosure and as a long-overdue expression of gratitude, I should acknowledge I owe Nader a big debt of thanks. In 1964 he entrusted me with the revelations that, a year later, would be published in Unsafe at Any Speed, his exposé of capitalism in action, specifically of how the U.S. automobile manufacturers were maximizing profits by minimizing vehicular safety. 

At the time I was the sports editor and one of three news-reporter/photographers for The Oak Ridger, a small but notably excellent East Tennessee daily. It was in acknowledgement of all these roles I had been assigned to interview Nader about his research. Not only had I added car stuff to our sports coverage – I was then the proud owner of a 1958 Porsche super-coupe – I had also demonstrated a knack for unusual news stories, and Nader's findings felt like the biggest scoop of my career to date. But this piece never saw the proverbial light of day. It was killed by Managing Editor Dick Smyser, who in one of those indicative ironies of USian history was also the chairman of the Associated Press Managing Editors' Freedom of Information Committee.

It was my second bitter schooling in the harsh realities of censorship that are cleverly hidden beneath the claim the United States has “freedom of the press,” and it was memorably painful because I had expected better – much better – from The Oak Ridger. Why? Because its top executives, Publisher Don McKay, Business Manager Tom Hill and Smyser himself had been courageous enough to hire me despite The Knoxville Journal's continuing effort to slander me into professional and personal oblivion.

That episode is a story unto itself. I had worked for The Journal since September 1957, first as a part-time sports stringer through the fall of 1959, when finances forced me to drop out of college and sign up for a six-year hitch in the U.S. Army. In September 1962, having served 18 months in Korea and finished my required three-year term of active duty, I returned to Knoxville and was immediately rehired by The Journal as a full-time staff sportswriter. Obviously the paper liked me and my reporting; Assistant Sports Editor Ben Byrd once told me he believed I was destined for The New York Times or some equally prestigious publication.

But on 2 June 1963, a raid by a combined force of Knoxville cops and Knox County sheriff's deputies jailed a racially mixed group of 40 men and women on charges I knew to be utterly without basis in fact. I had been there, had been arrested and on the strength of my press card subsequently released, and now – naive idiot that I was – I believed I could convince Journal Editor/Publisher Guy L. Smith and City Editor Dick Evans the arrests were at the very least a terrible mistake and more probably a deliberate atrocity. Soon Smith and Evans concluded I was what in the parlance of the Jim Crow South was called a “nigger-lover” – probably a Communist as well – and Smith had me re-arrested in his newsroom, then publicly fired me on Page One of his newspaper. 

My termination notice was a maliciously slanderous story by Ron McMahan, who knowingly wrote a deliberate Big Lie that would have been equally at home in Adolf Hitler's Völkischer Beobachter: “Forty Negroes and whites, most of them students at the University of Tennessee, were arrested early Sunday morning during what police described as 'a drunken sex orgy' at a South Knoxville residence...Booked at county jail on a charge of disorderly conduct was Loren Bliss, 23, of 1537 Laurel Avenue, a former Journal sportswriter.”

There was of course neither orgy nor drunkenness; the gathering was nothing more than a quiet garden party, attended by nearly as many UT faculty members, civil rights activists, young local professionals and business executives as older students. It celebrated the graduation of a woman named Maline Robinson, who had just earned a master-of-fine-arts degree from UT and who would later teach art history at the University of Wisconsin. Despite The Journal's lurid prose (“partly-clad couples were lying all over the front lawn...on tables, in closets and on the floor...Lewdness charges were not placed against anyone because during the melee everyone scattered”), the sexual allegations were nothing more than fabrications of the fearful, vindictively pornographic southern mind. Such is the obscenely racist envy implicit in the old joke that asks, “what is ten inches and white,” then answers, “nothing.” 

That the raid occurred just as the local Ku Klux Klan and its many affiliated churches were pulpit-pounding against “interracial love feasts” was hardly coincidental. Martin Southern, the ironically named American Civil Liberties Union lawyer in Knoxville, said he believed the raid had been carefully planned by a cabal of high ranking officials at UT, the sheriff's office and the police department plus top executives of The Journal and The Knoxville News-Sentinel to facilitate purging the university of anyone the local Ruling Class deemed “trouble-makers” and/or “outside agitators.” 

Southern warned me that because I was the one genuinely credible witness to everything that had actually occurred – he said I was “the fly, as it were, in the segregationist ointment” – my own life was in danger. Not many days later, a would-be killer tried to invade my ground-floor apartment via its kitchen window, but the attempted hit was thwarted by my vigilant German shepherd Brunhilda and my own expert-class skill with a handgun – a story for another time. For now suffice it to say dear Brunhilda quickly got to the meat of the problem, bit the malefactor in his blue-jeaned crotch, seized him by his cock and balls and dragged him down from the window just as I was aligning my sights to shoot him between the eyes.

Meanwhile Marion Barry, then Tennessee field secretary for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, later the mayor of Washington D.C., had arranged for me to cover the story for a local African-American weekly. But that report too was intrusively censored, not by blacks but by two white civil rights activists, Congress of Racial Equality members Steve Wagner and Phillip Bacon, who claimed they feared accurate description of the incident's more telling moments would discredit the narrative as “sensationalism.” Thus to my eternal regret I allowed them to cut several key passages from my original draft. These included a word-for-word account of my confrontation with Smith, in which he made it clear my alternatives were either to fabricate a lie describing an imaginary sex orgy or suffer the consequences; details of the police assault on a Latin American diplomat who was a guest at the party; and a brief description of the attempt on my life that arguably confirmed Southern's hypothesis of a Rightist conspiracy far broader than a mere police raid. The following, under my own byline, is what remained after Bacon and Wagner finished censoring it. It's from the 3 August 1963 edition of The Knoxville Flashlight-Herald:

Although The Knoxville Journal had opportunity to publish a staff member's eye-witness account of the now-famed graduation party held for some University of Tennessee students by Mr. and Mrs. Malcolm Ottaway, it declined to utilize that source and relied instead upon police and sheriff's reports.
 
That those reports were something less than reliable has since been proven in Knox County Sessions Court.
 
This writer, at the time a sports reporter for The Journal, attended the party with friends and was subsequently arrested, then freed after deputies learned he was a Journal staff member. He was re-arrested and booked some 14 hours later after unsuccessfully attempting to interest Journal City Editor Dick Evans in a factual account of events before and during the arrests...
 
Included in this writer's report would have been a statement that the party was quiet and proper despite the number of persons present and information that police and deputies had acted without grounds...
 
Those taken to city jail, where there is a drunkometer (a Breathalyzer by which suspects can challenge a drunkenness charge), were not charged with drunkenness, but those taken to county jail, where there is no drunkometer, were charged with drunkenness in addition to disorderly conduct...
 
Cases against those charged by Knox County, including this writer, were dismissed July 1. City Court cases were continued by order of Journal-supported Judge Charles Kelly and will be heard in October.
 
Included on the city docket is Milton Vargas, the Panamanian Vice-Consul here. Mr. Vargas, who has filed a full report with the Panamanian government, has charged he was slapped by police officers...
 
The only uncensored coverage of the arrests was provided by TASS – Tyelyegrafnoye agyentstvo Sovyetskogo Soyuza or Telegraph Agency of the Soviet Union. The story appeared on page one of Pravda, as I recall in the 5 June edition. It was also – or so I was told by several UT students – broadcast in English by Radio Moscow. 

Given the often prurient hatefulness that defines southern racism, The Oak Ridger's bravery in hiring me in mid-August, even before all the court cases had been decided, was beyond exceptional. Indeed, since The Journal's continued slanders were blacklisting me even amongst Northern employers, before The Oak Ridger came to my rescue, I had feared my journalism career was over. 

Which brings us back to Ralph Nader. Maybe a year after the Knoxville incident, he was in Oak Ridge visiting his sister, a scientist with some big-league connection to what today would be called the nuclear energy cartel. My boss Dick Smyser arranged for me to interview Nader,  exactly where I no longer remember. What I do recall is that I questioned Nader for hours, that eventually we adjourned to his sister's apartment, and that after I photographed him with the paper's Polaroid-back Speed Graphic, we talked literally until dawn.

Nader doubted the story would run. Citing the paper's bold defiance of the region's characteristic racism, I assured him it would. 

Then I drove from his sister's place directly to the The Oak Ridger building on Tyrone Road, put the sports page to bed as quickly as I could and hammered out the Nader story on my issue Royal Standard typewriter. My lead said something like “'Unsafe at any speed' – that's how Ralph Nader describes many of Detroit's best-selling automobiles.” The second graf laid out Nader's credentials – a Harvard-educated lawyer, he had been campaigning for safer cars since the late 1950s – and the remainder detailed his complaints against Chevrolet's Corvair. The text ran to at least six takes – six double-spaced typewritten pages of about 300 words apiece.

Despite the befogged mind that even at age 24 is the penance we pay for a sleepless all-nighter, I thought I'd done a damn fine job of reporting. But – perhaps not the least because Smyser himself drove a sherbet-green Corvair – the story evoked not the anticipated thank you for the warning but instead provoked him to fury. It was one of two times he actually raged at me, startling the entire five-person staff by shouting his denunciations the length of the newsroom. (His one other tantrum, this in face-to-face mode, was his response to my rejection of the ballistic impossibilities set fourth as gospel by the Warren Commission.) All in all though, Smyser was a superb editor, one who taught me a great deal about reporting. Even so, my memory still flinches at how he grimaced as he dropped the Nader copy into the circular gray waist-high trash bin that stood guard beside his desk. His expression suggested he was disposing of something grossly distasteful, at least as repugnant as a cat turd. 

When I phoned Nader and apologetically told him there would be no story, he nevertheless thanked me for my effort. Years after that I realized I was the one who should have thanked him – not just for all the time he spent telling me about the built-in hazards of those Detroit cars, but for the lesson in journalistic reality.

Such is the USian variant of a “free press,” its invisible restrictions so effective, no official censorship is necessary, the result uncomfortably reminiscent of a slogan in George Orwell's 1984: “ignorance is strength.”

LB/8 September 2013

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